Monday, December 31, 2012

End of Year Reflections

I have been making some time for end of the year reflections, reviewing my preaching, teaching, reading, personal habits, and matters of family. I try to do this in a receptive and prayerful way. As I preached through the Advent and Christmas season, what kept coming back to me was to keep the celebration of this season simple and focused. I now share with you a thought that arose out of an email exchange a few days ago. It arose because I have been preparing a study on the letter of Paul to the Romans. It struck me that Paul typically ended his letters with a few brief reminders of whom his readers, as a Christian community, truly are to be. It can sound trite, even legalistic at times. Yet, as I reflected upon some of these brief reminders of who and whose we are, it struck me that this is what I wanted to be in 2012, and hope to be in 2013. So, here is my "modernized" list of reminders.
 
 
Having some faith, hope, and love remain good qualities to develop.
 
Keep awake to the opportunities of each day.
 
Encourage others and build them up to be their best.
 
Be at peace within and with others. If at all possible, agree with others and live in peace with others.
 
Encourage those frightened by the obstacles they face in life.
 
Be gentle with others. Be gentle with yourself.
 
If you see others burdened by a heavy load, help them carry it.
 
Help those going through a time when they are too weak to help themselves.
 
Be a good worker and value the work you have. Vocation in life is not everything, of course, but it is important. We all have work to do. Be sure to carry your own load in all of life as you can.
 
Be patient with others, remembering how patient you need them to be with you.
 
When you really need strength to meet the challenges in your life, realize that it will most likely not come from within you. You will need to look away from yourself.
 
Have a joyful spirit.
 
Be grateful for moments of silent communion with life.
 
Have a thankful attitude toward the circumstances and people in your life.
 
Learn to be content in all circumstances.
 
Do not stifle the spiritedness and liveliness that wants to come forth within you and within those around you.
 
Develop your gifts and help others develop their gifts.
 
Show all kinds of love to all types of people in all types of circumstances.
 
Contribute financially.
 
Return good to those who do you poorly.
 
Love genuinely.
 
Live in harmony with others.
 
Do good and avoid evil.
 
Speak graciously with others.
 
Remember, life to come back to you what you have given to it. Not always, of course, but often. Some today call this karma.
 
Respect governing authorities.
 
Do not engage in quarreling. You will probably not persuade the other person, and you will likely harm the relationship you might wish to have.
 
Try not to elevate yourself to a position where you think you can stand in judgment of others. Remember, you are just as weak and frail as what you now see in the other.
 
When you are strong, and see someone else who is going through a time of weakness, go out of your way to help him or her.
 
Realize this: you will have many forces, some welling up from within, and some enticing you from the outside, which would seek to make you miss the mark and draw back from why you are here. You are in a battle for being the best you can be.
 
What you think about is important, so think on what is:
 
    True
 
     Honorable
 
     Just
 
     Pure
 
     Pleasing
 
     Commendable
 
     Excellent

Tuesday, December 18, 2012

Sandy Hook and the Suffering of Children


I am thinking of our fellow citizens at Sandy Hook Elementary school in Newtown, Connecticut. I am not thinking politics. I am thinking of God, of people, and the suffering of children.

One of the temptations among pastors and Christians generally is to over-explain such things. I am not even going to try. You see, I think we can come across as if we just do not get it when it comes to the suffering and pain that we find in our world. In particular, of course, is the suffering of children. I do not minimize for a moment the death of the adults. Yet, something about the suffering and death of children tugs at us, I think. We do not get it. Frankly, I would be concerned if we did. If we were not shocked at such events, what would it say?

For many people, suffering is a deal breaker when it comes to God. Any God worthy of worship would not allow a world of so much evil and suffering to exist. Yet, the suffering of children seems to heighten the struggle.

In the X-Files, one of the recurring story lines, probably becoming tiresome, was the search for the sister of Mulder. The search ends in Season 7, Episode 11, called closure. Mulder is standing at the site of a mass grave, in which a mass murderer has buried his victims. Other FBI agents are taking out the little bodies of his victims, children, from their graves. Among the twenty-four victims is the sister of Mulder, Samantha. In the opening voice-over monologue, Mulder says the following.

 

"They said the birds refused to sing and the thermometer fell suddenly, as if God himself had his breath stolen away. No one there dared speak aloud, as much in shame as in sorrow. They uncovered the bodies one by one. The eyes of the dead were closed, as if waiting for permission to open. Were they still dreaming of ice cream and monkey bars, of birthday cake, and no future but the afternoon? Or had their innocence been taken along with their lives, buried in the cold earth so long ago? These fates seemed too cruel even for God to allow. Or are the tragic young born again when the world's not looking? I wanna believe so badly in a truth beyond our own, hidden and obscured 'from all but the most sensitive eyes. In the endless procession of souls, in what cannot and will not be destroyed'. I want to believe we are unaware of God's eternal recompense and sadness. That we cannot see his truth. That that which is born still lives and cannot be buried in the cold earth, but only waits to be born again at God's behest, where in ancient starlight we lay in repose."

 

What can anyone say to the place of the horrible suffering of children and its place in the grand scheme of things?

F. M. Dostoyevsky, Brothers Karamazov (1880) in a Chapter with the title “Rebellion,” expresses the horror of the suffering of children. He remarks that while it may be difficult to love adults at close quarters, one can love children up close. They are still innocent of all the adult struggles with good and evil. Yet, they suffer horribly on this earth, often for the sins of their parents. People talk of animal cruelty, but it pales in comparison to the cruelty of humanity to children. He refers to Turks in a war in Bulgaria who disemboweled children from the womb. According to another story, the Turks put a gun in the face of a baby. The baby giggled and played with the barrel of the gun, and then the Turk pulled the trigger, blowing off the head of the baby. “Artistic, wasn’t it,” Ivan says. He refers to some adults who love to torture children. It may well be that a sign of evil is that the weakness and innocence of children attracts some to inflict this cruelty. He refers to the torture of one child by parents. Why does God permit such infamy? He refers to a Russian general whose favorite dog developed a limp because an eight-year-old boy threw a stone in its direction. He gathered all his hounds together the next day and had them pursue the boy. They caught up with him and tore him to pieces, in the presence of his mother.

The Plague (1947) by Albert Camus has a priest who has lost his faith ponder the mystery of suffering, but especially the suffering of children.  

I raise these examples for a simple reason. Sometimes, people of faith are far too quick to speak, at a time when listening to the pain may well be what God calls us to do.

Of course, times like this may help us feel the fragility of life, which is always there, even when we are not aware of it. We may hold life more preciously for at least a while. We might even make it a habit.

If we have children, grandchildren, or great-grandchildren, we might embrace them with greater feeling and warmth than before. 

In times of darkness, it can be difficult to remember the story God is telling of humanity. During Advent and Christmas, the church reminds itself of the grand story of redemption, salvation, healing, and liberation that began long ago in Israel and the prophets, but reached its fulfillment in Jesus Christ. Even a time such as this, the church reminds itself and the world that our weak and feeble individual stories are not all there is. Our story is part of a much larger story into which we need to live, and of which we do not know the course or the end. One of the beautiful things about being part of a community like that of the church is that you can “remember,” not just your own history, but also the history of what God is doing with humanity. You get to become part of a much larger story than the story of your life. The climax of that story is counter-intuitive, for we too often may feel the absence of God. Yet, in spite of that, the Christian story culminates in Emmanuel, God with us.

Let it be so.

Wednesday, December 12, 2012

Narrating a Life



“A Matter of Identity” is the story of William Thompson who cannot recognize anyone, but he can create fictional characters on the spot. He desperately seeks to make his world feel normal. The story occurs in a book, The Man Who Mistook His Wife for a Hat (1970, 1985), by Oliver Sachs. It occurs under his account of excesses of the brain. Tragically, William has an excess of amnesia. We may forget where we put the keys. William has no recent memory, so he must connect what he experiences now with the remote past. If you have seen the movie Fifty First Dates (2004), you have an image of what this might be like.
Dr. Sacks walks into a room to meet with William. When William sees Sacks, he identifies him first as a customer in the deli William used to operate, then as an old friend, then as Hymie the butcher next door, and finally as a doctor. The progression from one identity to the next is rapid fire, but the result is that William becomes scared at his inability to correctly identify who he is with and where he is. As soon as correct recognition begins to take hold, William begins the series all over again, assuming once more that Sacks is a customer in his deli. William suffers from Korsakov's Psychosis, but does not realize it. He dances from one confabulation to the next with the ability to make those around him believe he is perfectly normal. He seems to have an anxiety within him that results in making every effort to make the world around him feel normal to him. He does it by making up identities and stories of the people with him. Due to the way he could quickly and without hesitation identify a real person in his world, his brother, but without distinguishing the real person from the fantasies he had developed, Sachs describes it as “equalization,” the process of depriving of any meaning the real things in your world. William possessed an incredible charisma and an irresistible ability to tell stories, but also has a severe case of amnesia. He cannot remember the conversations he has had in the past few minutes. Think of it. He must continually create a world and self to replace what was continually being forgotten and lost. Such frenzy calls forth quite brilliant powers of invention and fancy. He became a confabulatory genius. He must make himself and his world every moment.
The account reminds me of how important memory is to our identity or our sense of who we are. Of course, we forget things and may not have a good recollection of some events or people in our lives. Some of that may be a good thing. Yet, our ability to connect the various elements of our lives into a story requires something as simple as memory. We take it for granted, until we lose it, or someone we love loses it.
For Sachs, here is the problem William faces.

"If we wish to know about a man, we ask, 'what is his story-his real, inmost story?-for each of us is a singular narrative, which is constructed, continually, unconsciously, by, through, and in us-through our perceptions, our feelings, our thoughts, our actions; and not least, our discourse, our spoken narrations....To be ourselves we must have ourselves-possess, if need be repossess, our life stories...A man needs such a narrative, a continuous inner narrative, to maintain his identity, his self...Deprived of continuity, of a quiet, continuous, inner narrative, he is driven to a sort of narrational frenzy-hence his ceaseless tales, his confabulations, his mythomania.(110-111)"

Given the disease that afflicts William, I would suggest that Sachs has correctly identified the problem William faces.
Yet, I would also offer that Sachs has not correctly defined the problem that Sachs himself faces in being confronted with William. I say this because of his encounter with Jimmy G, another Korsakoff’s patient that he describes in “The Lost Mariner.” He says that he keeps wondering about a lost soul. He wanted to establish some continuity and roots in someone who had roots only in the remote past (29). He wonders if Jimmy G had been “de-souled” by the disease. If what gives humanity “soul” was only our individual ability to make our lives into a story, then the inability to do so raises this question.
To be clear, I hope that if you no longer have that ability to tell your story, other people will discover ways of helping you become a meaningful part of the story of their lives.
Such reflections lead me to consider a different way of looking at the notion of lost soul and de-souled. Maybe “soul” is not simply an individual matter. To use the example of William, we might consider defining such abnormalities in individuals in a way that does not isolate the individual from a much larger story of which their lives are only a part.  People like William say much about our souls, if you will. They raise the question of our humanity and respect toward another, regardless of the disease they face. For that reason, William may well be a lost soul, but we find our souls when we treat such persons with respect and dignity.
I do not think the story of William is not just his story. When you meet him, his story has become part of your story.
We see a ray of light in the life of William in that he does find a few moments of peace, which Sachs describes with great respect and generosity of spirit.  

"Our efforts to 're-connect' William fail...[b]ut when we abdicate our efforts, and let him be, he sometimes wanders out into the quiet and undemanding garden which surrounds the Home, and there in his quietness he recovers his own quiet...the presence of plants, a quiet garden, the non-human order, making no social or human demands upon him, allow this identity delirium to relax to subside;(110)"

If you are interested in the formation of human identity and how human beings make sense of their lives, you will likely find the case studies Sachs offers of interest. It reminds me that human identity is always open-ended. We are always in the process of forming our identity, which is why human beings are so open to change through their experiences with others. We struggle with identity because “we are not yet what we shall be,” as I John 3:2 puts it.
Sachs wants to place the human subject back at the center of scientific endeavor. My caution in such a project is this. You do not get to simply narrate your world and give it meaning. You cannot discover the significance of your life by remaining within yourself. Your life has meaning as you move outside yourself, so to speak, and engage with others. You have a responsibility to tell a story with your life as it intersects with the stories of other people.
Come to think of it, maybe humanity itself is not simply narrating its story. Maybe God has a story of humanity as formed in the image of God, and now, with the coming of Christ, is forming us into the image of his Son (Romans 8:29). In that sense, the image of God is still on the way and forming in us. Human misery is deep, we fall back from the purposes God has for us, and we fall short of what God intended. We are separated from self, from others, and from God.
Healing the various forms of separation and alienation is what the coming of Jesus Christ into our world means. Actually, we may gain our true identity in recognizing that this is the world God has made, and therefore, we discover our identity as we discover our place in that story.
By the way, such a theme might even be a significant aspect of the message of the Advent and Christmas season.

Tuesday, December 11, 2012

Atonement in Tillich and Pannenberg

  I offer this post out of a discussion on facebook, asking me to share a thumbnail of the views of Tillich (Systematic Theology, Volume II, 165-168, 173-76) and Pannenberg (Systematic Theology, Volume II, 423, 419-20, 423, 421-29; Jesus: God and Man, 245-274) on the Atonement. Here is my attempt.
  Tillich begins his discussion of the significance of the cross with an examination of the meaning of the symbol “salvation.” It expresses the universal significance of Jesus as the Christ, as he subjected himself to human estrangement and gained victory over it. Estrangement is separation from one’s own destiny in the Kingdom of God. Salvation is a form of healing, reuniting that which is estranged, giving a center to what is split, overcoming the split between and humanity, humanity from its world, and the internal split that individuals experience between their reality and their destiny. If such healing is possible only by an encounter with Christ, such healing is possible for only a relatively few people, which he calls an absurd and demonic idea. In some ways, all persons participate in the new life available through Christ. Yet, if he is savior, what does salvation mean? It means he is the criterion of every healing and saving process. 
  Tillich next discusses what he thinks are basic principles of any doctrine of the atonement. As I read him, stating the principles was sufficient. The first principle is the God is the origin of the atoning process. The second principle is that he does think one can posit a conflict between the reconciling love of God and retributive justice. Justice is allowing the consequences of estrangement to work themselves out in human life. Such justice is the working out of love working out all that resists love. The third principle is that the divine removal of guilt and punishment does not mean overlooking the actual estrangement that human beings experience. In the human world, one who forgives is also guilty. Mutuality in forgiveness is part of what it means to live in human community. The fourth principle is acknowledgment of the participation of God in human estrangement and its consequences. God participates in human suffering, and for those who participate in what God is doing in the world, transforms human suffering. The fifth principle is that in the cross the participation of God in human suffering is manifest. The sixth principle is that by participating in Christ, human beings participate in the suffering of God. He rejects the term “substitution.” God participates in estrangement, but divine suffering is a substitute for the suffering of the creature. Yet, this suffering of God is the power that overcomes creaturely self-destruction by participation and transformation. 
  Pannenberg has a discussion of the meaning of the vicarious death of Jesus on the cross. As he sees it, the death of Jesus on the cross, in the light of the resurrection, is the punishment suffered in our place for the blasphemous existence of humanity. For him, the “fate” of Jesus involves a discussion of both his death and his resurrection. He begins by considering that some events do not have an immediately clear or unavoidable meaning. The resurrection had such a clear interpretation, given the Jewish apocalyptic background of the event. The cross was less so. He will apply this thought later by saying that the fact that some ideas are in the earliest forms of Christianity does not guarantee their truth. Thus, the earliest interpretation of the cross may have been that of the rejection and murder of a prophet. It was “for us,” an “expiation,” but not a sacrifice. Isaiah 53 would have presented the universal significance of the cross as a death “for many.” The notion of an expiatory sacrifice is one we can find in Romans 3:25 and in the Letter to the Hebrews. Paul understood the cross as the end of the Law. Of all of these ideas, the image of the just man suffering vicariously for his people is most easily accessible for us today. He does not think that the self-understanding of Jesus of his rejection by Jewish leaders that leads to his death will be a helpful road down which to travel. The understanding of the death of Jesus as a substitution is one we find in the Lord’s Supper tradition and in the statement of Jesus in Luke 22:27, “But I am among you as one who serves,” to which Mark 10:45 adds, “and give his life a ransom for many.” The connection he wants to make for us is that every act of service has its vicarious character by recognizing a need in the person served that apart from this service that person would have to satisfy for oneself. Later, Pannenberg will add that giving one’s life to save others or society represents a special case.to sacrifice one’s life is to offer up one’s whole existence, as others would lose their lives without the sacrifice. As he continues, if we are to think of “substitution,” we must start with the disclosure in the resurrection that Jewish leaders were wrong in their judgment of Jesus, and reveal themselves as the blasphemers of God. Further, if the cross is to have universal significance, one would need to draw the conclusion that humanity as a whole lives in a state of blasphemy against God. He directs us to Paul.
14 For the love of Christ urges us on, because we are convinced that one has died for all; therefore all have died. 15 And he died for all, so that those who live might live no longer for themselves, but for him who died and was raised for them. (II Corinthians 5:14-15)

The Law will save neither Jews nor Gentiles, which now opens the way for Gentiles to receiving the blessing of the God of Abraham, Moses, and the prophets. The abolition of the Law was the necessary pre-condition of such an offer. Paul is makes this step by directing us to the universal significance of Adam and the domination of sin and death in the human race. Now, in the sense that he died as a blasphemer, he died the death all have incurred. In this sense, he died for us, for our sins. Individual death is taken into the community of the dying of Jesus so that individuals have a hope beyond death, the hope of the coming resurrection to the life that has already appeared in him. He will want us to consider that Israelite views of act and consequence, as well as their notion of solidarity of individuals with the community, are the background for such a notion. Later, he will also specify that we need to develop an account of the basic anthropological situation of humanity in relation to sin and death if such notions are to continue to have relevance. In his death, Jesus bore the consequence of separation from God, the punishment for sin, in the place of Israel and humanity. The Jewish rejection of Jesus is not a special case, but symbolic of humanity. Of course, this means that Jesus did not die for his own sins. His death overcomes the Godforsakenness of death for humanity. No longer must anyone die alone and without hope, for in community with Jesus the hope for one’s own future participation in the new life that has already appeared in Jesus and whose content is community with God has been established. As he sees it, then, the variety to which he points may lead us to think that we may adopt any understanding of the death of Jesus that we fancy. Of course, he is not going to want to move this direction. He thinks that he has provided a way for theology to reflect upon the power of sacrifice, expiation, substitution, and representation that can be powerful today. My point here would be that it is important for pastors and teachers today to reflect seriously on how they will explain the power of the cross today. 

Friday, November 2, 2012

Lord's Supper and the Mission of the Church


I find this thought from Wolfhart Pannenberg (Systematic Theology, Volume 3, 290-3) about the Lord's Supper and what it says about the church a challenging one. As he sees it, the church is the fellowship that celebrates the Lord’s Supper. I think he makes a very important point for the church today, especially the denominations that have a long organizational history. The supper of the Lord is a reminder that the church has its existence outside itself, prior to its organizational forms as a fellowship that is constituted in specific ways. By the celebration of the Lord’s Supper, the church renews its fellowship by representing and repeating its grounding in the supper of the Lord. For him, these are the far-reaching implications of the constitutive significance of the supper of Jesus for the church. To stress it again, prior to any organizational form, the church celebrated the supper of the Lord, which is a sign of the fellowship with Jesus Christ that each Christian receives in the form of bread and wine and unites all Christians for fellowship with each other in the unity of the body of Christ. To apply this thought in my own way, the supper of the Lord is a reminder to us today that denominational history and their distinguishing characteristics are not the heart of the fellowship. The supper of the Lord is a reminder that fellowship with Christ as the risen Lord and fellowship with each other is the heart of the church.

Reagan, Romney, and Obama

Krauthammer
If Obama loses, however, his presidency becomes a historical parenthesis, a passing interlude of overreaching hyper-liberalism, rejected by a center-right country that is 80 percent nonliberal.

Should they summon the skill and dexterity, Mitt Romney and Paul Ryan could guide the country to the restoration of a more austere and modest government with more restrained entitlements and a more equitable and efficient tax code. Those achievements alone would mark a new trajectory — a return to what Reagan started three decades ago.

Every four years we are told that the coming election is the most important of one’s life. This time it might actually be true. At stake is the relation between citizen and state, the very nature of the American social contract.

Saturday, October 27, 2012

why i vote the way i do


We acknowledge the vital function of government as a principal vehicle for the ordering of society. … We know ourselves to be responsible to God for social and political life (Social Principles 164). The strength of a political system depends upon the full and willing participation of its citizens. (164B) 

I would encourage you to consider your responsibilities as a Christian and as a citizen seriously. 

If someone were to ask me why I vote the way I do, I would have to say that I decided sometime in the mid 1970s. While in high school and college, I engaged in discussions of history, government, and politics. I worked for Humphrey in 1968, but wanted either Bobby Kennedy or Eugene McCarthy as the nominee. I voted for McGovern in 1972. However, it was in graduate school that I became acquainted with the National Review, George Will, Bill Buckley, and Milton Friedman. These people led me to read people like John Locke and Adam Smith. I came to realize that I wanted to be in a political tradition that went from the founders as enshrined in the constitution and bill of rights, both of which needed the completion brought by Abraham Lincoln and his speeches. It needed the completion of the women’s right to vote and civil rights. It needed the completion brought by presidents like Eisenhower and Reagan.  

To put it simply, I came to believe that limited federal government was best for the simple reason that politicians cannot know enough. To use a sports analogy, government can set the basic rules and umpire, but we are the ones who must play the game. We play the game by building character and pursue happiness. We play the game by choosing the basic beliefs and values that will guide our lives. We play the game by accepting a vocation and earn a living. We play the game by engaging in economic exchanges. We do so freely. Such a process is self-regulating, to the point where, properly understood, you do not need a large government apparatus.  

Of course, I have left much out. If a state denies individual rights of its citizens, as happened with slavery and the Jim Crow laws of the South, the Federal Government needs to be sure the Bill of Rights are respected. Free enterprise has done more to expand economies, which is the best way to help all citizens, and especially the poor.  

I focus on ideas rather than political parties. Over the course of a few decades, I have read the opposition. Walter Rauschenbusch and the social gospel, John Yoder, Jim Wallis, are the Christian version of politically progressive thought. On the secular side, John Rawls and Michael Walzer would be high on the list.  

With all its imperfections, I value my country. America has continually expanded its vision of freedom to all of its citizens. For me, this is the gift America has to offer the world.  

Yet, this world is a dangerous one. America deserves to be defended from those who would do it harm. The world would be a less free place where it not for America.  

I have problems with what passes for conservatism in this area. I wish conservatism were more conservative in its use of military power. Yes, I am a child of the 60s in that sense. No need to go into details here, but if the nation is to put its troops in harm’s way, it better have a good reason. As the Social Principles (165 I) rightly say, “We also respect those who support the use of force, but only in extreme situations and only when the need is clear beyond reasonable doubt ...”  

I share this account primarily because we need to take our role as citizens seriously. I hope you think it through. You may well come to a different conclusion that I do, and that is OK.

Thursday, October 25, 2012

Obama-Romney Debate 3

The UM book of discipline 164B says: "The strength of a political system depends upon the full and willing participation of its citizens." In that spirit, I share a few comments regarding the third debate from various authors. 
 
Charles Krauthammer
Obama lost. His tone was petty and small. Arguing about Iran’s nuclear program, he actually said to Mitt Romney, “While we were coordinating an international coalition to make sure these sanctions were effective, you were still invested in a Chinese state oil company that was doing business with the Iranian oil sector.” You can’t get smaller than that. You’d expect this in a city council race. But only from the challenger. The sitting councilman would find such an ad hominem beneath him.

Throughout the debate, Obama kept it up, slashing, interjecting, interrupting, desperate to gain the upper hand by insult if necessary. That spirit led Obama into a major unforced error. When Romney made a perfectly reasonable case to rebuild a shrinking Navy, Obama condescended: “You mentioned . . . that we have fewer ships than we did in 1916. Well, Governor, we also have fewer horses and bayonets, because the nature of our military’s changed.”

Such that naval vessels are as obsolete as horse cavalry?

Liberal pundits got a great guffaw out of this, but the underlying argument is quite stupid. As if the ships being retired are dinghies, skipjacks and three-masted schooners. As if an entire branch of the armed forces — the principal projector of American power abroad — is itself some kind of anachronism.

“We have these things called aircraft carriers,” continued the schoolmaster, “where planes land on them.”

This is Obama’s case for fewer vessels? Does he think carriers patrol alone? He doesn’t know that for every one carrier, 10 times as many ships sail in a phalanx of escorts?

Obama may blithely dismiss the need for more ships, but the Navy wants at least 310 and the latest Quadrennial Defense Review Independent Panel report says that defending America’s vital interests requires 346 ships (vs. 287 today). Does anyone doubt that if we continue as we are headed, down to fewer than 230, the casualty will be entire carrier battle groups, precisely the kind of high-tech force multipliers that Obama pretends our national security requires?

Romney, for his part, showed himself to be fluent enough in foreign policy, although I could have done with a little less Mali (two references) and a lot less “tumult” (five).

But he did have the moment of the night when he took after Obama’s post-inauguration world apology tour. Obama, falling back on his base, flailingly countered that “every fact checker and every reporter”says otherwise.

Oh yeah? What about Obama declaring that America had “dictated” to other nations?

“Mr. President,” said Romney, “America has not dictated to other nations. We have freed other nations from dictators.”

Obama, rattled, went off into a fog, beginning with “if we’re going to talk about trips that we’ve taken,” followed by a rambling travelogue of a 2008 visit to Israel. As if this is about trip-taking, rather than about defending — vs. denigrating — the honor of the United States while on foreign soil. Americans may care little about Syria and nothing about Mali. But they don’t like presidents going abroad confirming the calumnies of tin-pot dictators.

The rest of Romney’s debate performance was far more passive. He refused the obvious chance to pulverize Obama on Libya. I would’ve taken a baseball bat to Obama’s second-debate claim that no one in his administration, including him, had misled the country on Benghazi. (The misleading is beyond dispute. The only question is whether it was intentional, i.e., deliberate deceit, or unintentional, i.e., scandalous incompetence.) Romney, however, calculated differently: Act presidential. Better use the night to assume a reassuring, non-contentious demeanor.

Romney’s entire strategy in both the second and third debates was to reinforce the status he achieved in debate No. 1 as a plausible alternative president. He therefore went bipartisan, accommodating, above the fray and, above all, nonthreatening.

That’s what Reagan did with Carter in their 1980 debate. If your opponent’s record is dismal and the country quite prepared to toss him out — but not unless you pass the threshold test — what do you do?

Romney chose to do a Reagan: Don’t quarrel. Speak softly. Meet the threshold.

We’ll soon know whether steady-as-she-goes was the right choice.

Victor Davis Hanson on the third debate
This week, the third and final debate offered Obama a last opportunity to convince the American people that at least on matters of foreign policy, Romney was either dangerous or ill-informed. That challenge also ensured that Obama would have to crowd into the final 90 minutes near-constant attacks to crack the calm Romney facade. Even or ahead in the polls, all Romney had to do in response was for a third time keep acting presidential and prove that his earlier displays of composure and competence were no flukes -- a no-brainer strategy clear to anyone who had followed the first two debates.
That is precisely what Romney pulled off. As in the second debate, Obama might have done well enough to come away with a tie or even a narrow win on points, but he probably didn't fare well enough to reverse his slide in the polls. If Obama sought to shatter Romney's image as a compassionate and competent captain of industry, he more likely damaged his own once carefully crafted image as a nice guy.

Here is some fact-checking

President Barack Obama and Gov. Mitt Romney faced off last night in the third and final presidential debate – focusing on foreign policy – at Lynn University in Boca Raton, Florida.
The Fox News Brainroom provides us with a fact check and in-depth analysis of some of the key claims made by the two men.

Topic: Military spending
Obama: “We spend more on our military than the next 10 countries combined.”
PROBABLY TRUE.
* As the Washington Post clarifies, it is REALLY difficult to get (a) reliable and (b) comparable figures:
“However, raw numbers can be misleading. The official Chinese figure of less than $100 billion a year is believed to be dramatically understated; SIPRI pegs it at around $100 billion. The Defense Department believes the real number for the Chinese military to be $150 billion.
Even that doesn’t tell the whole story, because it costs China less money to buy the same goods and services as the United States. Carl Conetta, co-director of the Project on Defense Alternatives, who edits a Web page on Chinese military power, says that using a rough calculation of purchasing power parity, the correct figure for Chinese defense spending would be as much as $240 billion.
That’s still less than the United States spends, of course, but it is an indication of how fuzzy some of these calculations can be. The comparison to China also does not include the fact that because it is not a global power, Beijing may actually spend more on its military in the western Pacific than does the United States.
There is also a question of whether one counts just the base military budget or also the spending on the wars such as in Iraq and Afghanistan.
An administration official said the president’s statistic was derived from an examination of a classified version of the CIA Factbook, which presumably would show higher levels of spending for countries such as China.
If war spending is included, then the U.S. military budget is larger than those of the next 12 countries combined, the official said. If only base budget outlay is counted, the U.S. military budget is larger than those of the next eight countries. So the White House decided to split the difference, which is why the president said the U.S. budget was larger than the budgets of “roughly” the next 10 countries combined.
[source: Washington Post]

Topic: Romney’s investments in a Chinese oil company working in Iran
Obama: “And the fact is, while we were coordinating an international coalition to make sure these sanctions were effective, you were still invested in a Chinese state oil company that was doing business with the Iranian oil sector.”
CORRECT. (Romney will say the investment was in a blind trust over which he had no control, despite the fact that the blind trust liquidated these investments right about the time Romney ratcheted up his anti-China rhetoric).
* Starting in October 2009, Romney’s trust made three investments in CNOOC (the Chinese national oil company) with significant dealings with Iran. He sold the investments in August 2011 for a profit of about $11,000.
* As the Financial Times reported on September 24, 2012:
“Mitt Romney’s trust invested in Cnooc at a time when the US was growing concerned about the Chinese oil company’s multibillion-dollar dealings with Tehran, according to the 2011 tax return released by the Republican nominee for president.

Mr. Romney has repeatedly said he had no control over the decisions by the blind trust that held the investments, which are controlled by a trustee named R. Bradford Malt.

The first investment by Mr. Romney’s trust in Cnooc Limited, in October of 2009, was made about seven months after the group’s state-owned parent company was widely reported to have signed a deal with Iran to develop the huge North Pars gasfield for an LNG export project.
Mr. Romney’s blind trust made two subsequent investments in Cnooc and then sold all the shares – for a profit of about $11,000, in August of 2011.
That was about the same period when Mr. Romney began ratcheting up his campaign rhetoric against China.”
[source: Romney’s China holdings criticized, by Stephanie Kirchgaessner, Financial Times, September 24, 2012]

Topic: The killing of Usama bin Laden
Obama: “Romney said he would not move ‘heaven and earth’ to get bin Laden.”
PARTIALLY TRUE. He used those words, but the quote ignores the larger context.
* As Politifact states:
“An Obama campaign ad suggested Mitt Romney wouldn’t have aggressively pursued Osama bin Laden by citing Romney’s statement that, “It’s not worth moving heaven and earth and spending billions of dollars just trying to catch one person.”
The Obama campaign is right that Romney used those words, but by cherry-picking them, it glosses over comments describing his broader approach. Romney said he wanted to pursue all of al-Qaida, not just its leaders.”
[source: Politifact]

Topic: Trade with China
Obama: “We doubled exports to China since I took office.”
NOT QUITE – an increase of 49% from 2008 to 2011 ($69.733 billion versus $103.94 billion in 2011) and we are on track for an increase to approximately $105 billion in 2012.
* This also ignores that fact that, despite our increase in exports, our trade deficit with China has increased under President Obama (from $268 billion in 2008 to $295 billion in 2011 – an increase of about 10%).
Year Exports to China Trade deficit
2008 $69.733 billion -$268.040 billion
2009 $69.497 billion -$226.877 billion
2010 $91.881 billion -$273.0632 billion
2011 $103.939 billion -$295.423 billion
2012 (thru Aug) $69.9995 billion -$203.1215 billion
[source: U.S. Census]


Topic: Would Romney have let U.S. auto companies go bankrupt?
Romney: “I said that we would provide guarantees, and — and that was what was able to allow these companies to go through bankruptcy, to come out of bankruptcy. Under no circumstances would I do anything other than to help this industry get on its feet. And the idea that has been suggested that I would liquidate the industry, of course not. Of course not.”
CORRECT.
* In his New York Times op-ed, Romney called for a managed bankruptcy, with the federal government providing guarantees for post-bankruptcy financing.
* Here is the relevant part of the op-ed:
“The American auto industry is vital to our national interest as an employer and as a hub for manufacturing. A managed bankruptcy may be the only path to the fundamental restructuring the industry needs. It would permit the companies to shed excess labor, pension and real estate costs. The federal government should provide guarantees for post-bankruptcy financing and assure car buyers that their warranties are not at risk.
In a managed bankruptcy, the federal government would propel newly competitive and viable automakers, rather than seal their fate with a bailout check.”
[source: New York Times op-ed, "Let Detroit Go Bankrupt," by MITT ROMNEY, November 18, 2008]
* He further clarified that he was not prepared to let the companies liquidate in a November 28, 2008 interview with Wolf Blitzer:
Blitzer: Richard Wagoner, the GM CEO says if they were to do any of those things, go into Chapter 11 or file for bankruptcy, it would even make matters worse because people would be reluctant to buy a GM car knowing that they could have problems getting spare parts or warranty guarantees along those lines. Is he right?
Romney: Well actually, him going to Washington and saying that the companies are going to disappear unless they get $25 billion is already a signal to consumers.
Going into Chapter 11, I’m not convinced would have that big of an impact, particularly if Washington were to say quite clearly we’re not going to let these companies go away. We’re going to guarantee the warranties for anybody who buys a U.S. made automobile this time going forward for some period of time.
We’re going to help with the post-bankruptcy financing that allows these companies to thrive and grow. We basically need to restructure them and then help them get back on their feet and make sure that their future is bright. But just putting money into them as is, is not going to help anybody and frankly is going to lead to these companies losing market share long term and perhaps facing liquidation way down the road. That’s the wrong way. That we don’t want to see.
Blitzer: If these companies don’t restructure very, very quickly, are you willing to let the U.S. auto industry, in effect, die?
Romney: Well, I don’t want to see it die, that’s the wrong course and the union and management and the state officials are not going to let that happen. There’s no reason for that to happen. The U.S. automobile industry is making very good cars these days. They’ve been, actually, really remarkable in designing cars like the Chevy Malibu, the Ford Mustang. There are some — you know, the Chrysler 500.
These are really innovative designs, they’re ranked very well. The companies don’t have to go away. But what has to go away is the excess burden we’ve laid on them and that’s the burden that’s the cause of managers that show up in corporate aircraft and eat in executive dining rooms. That spreads the resentment throughout the company that makes it difficult for labor to do what needs to be done on that front. These are companies that are not going to go away. We shouldn’t have them go away. But we should help them get on their feet so they can compete and finally beat back Toyota and Nissan and Honda and BMW, all of whom make cars right here in the U.S.
[source: Interview With Mitt Romney, November, 23 2008, CNN]

Topic: The 2009 protests in Iran
Romney said that Obama was “silent” on the protests in Iran.
FALSE. However, similar to Libya, there was an evolving language and response to the protests in Iran by President Obama.
On June 13, 2009, Iran announced that incumbent President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad won a landslide victory, prompting mass protests from supporters of the key opponent, Mir Hossein Mousavi.
Here is how Obama put it in an interview with CNBC on June 16: “Although there is amazing ferment taking place in Iran, the difference between Ahmadinejad and Mousavi in terms of their actual positions may not be as great as has been advertised. We’ve got long-term interests in having them not weaponize nuclear power and stop funding organizations like Hezbollah and Hamas. And that would be true whoever came out on top in this election.”
Obama finally toughened his stance a week later, on June 23, after more violence erupted.
“The United States and the international community have been appalled and outraged by the threats, the beatings and imprisonments of the last few days,” Obama said. “I strongly condemn these unjust actions, and I join with the American people in mourning each and every innocent life that is lost.”

Topic: How many ships does the U.S. Navy want?
Romney stated that the Department of Defense has asked for 313 ships and President Obama only approved the building of 282.
FALSE
* In February 2006, the Navy presented to Congress a goal of achieving and maintaining a fleet of 313 ships, consisting of certain types and quantities of ships. On March 28, 2012, the Department of Defense (DOD) submitted to Congress an FY2013 30-year (FY2013-FY2042) shipbuilding plan that includes a new goal for a fleet of about 310-316 ships.
The Navy is conducting a force structure assessment, to be completed later this year, that could lead to a refinement of this 310-316-ship plan.
Because of the retirement and decommissioning of some ships and the building process of new ones, the Navy’s size is constantly varying.
The Navy reached even lower levels during the Bush years, hitting a bottom of 279 in FY 2007.
FY
2005………282
2006………281
2007………279
2008………282
2009………285
2010………288
2011………284
With programs like the Littoral Combat Ship increasing production, shipbuilding is higher now than in previous years
FY…………..ships procured/requested
07……………5
08……………3
09……………8
10……………7
11……………10
12……………11
13……………10
President Obama has never said that the Navy’s size should be at 282 ships, and the size of the Navy will increase, not decrease.
[Source: Navy Force Structure and Shipbuilding Plans: Background and Issues for Congress, 8/9/2012 CRS]

Topic: U.S. troops in Iraq
Did Mitt Romney say recently that he wanted to keep troops in Iraq?
MOSTLY TRUE.
Romney’s Remarks at Virginia Military Institute in Lexington, Virginia, 10/8/2012:
“In Iraq, the costly gains made by our troops are being eroded by rising violence, a resurgent Al Qaida, the weakening of democracy in Baghdad, and the rising influence of Iran. And yet America’s ability to influence events for the better in Iraq has been undermined by the abrupt withdrawal of our entire troop presence. The president has tried. He tried, but he also failed to secure a responsible and gradual drawdown that would have better secured our gains.
The president has also failed to lead in Syria, where more than 30,000 men, women and children have been massacred by the Assad regime over the past 20 months. Violent extremists are flowing into the fight. Our ally Turkey has been attacked. And the conflict threatens stability in the region.”
[Source: CQ]

Topic: The defense budget under Obama
OBAMA: (paraphrase) Defense budgets have gone up every year under my administration.
TRUE. But in the FY2013 request, the base budget will decrease
Defense Base Budgets Under President Obama
…………………
FY2009………513.2
FY2010………527.9
FY2011………528.2
FY2012………530.6
FY2013………524.4 (request)
[Source: Defense Department Comptroller]
2) Obama: “First of all, the sequester is not something I proposed, it’s something that Congress proposed. It will not happen.”
In fact, the idea may have come in part from Obama’s current chief of staff, Jack Lew. The Washington Post’s Bob Woodward reported in his book “The Price of Politics” that Lew, then-Office of Management and Budget director, and White House Legislative Affairs Director Rob Nabors broached the idea of a defense sequester as a threat to Republicans during negotiations over raising the debt ceiling.
The resulting Budget Control Act, which allowed the U.S. to borrow more money but set caps on federal spending over the next 10 years, was passed with bipartisan support in the House and Senate, and signed into law by the president. It led to the creation of the deficit-reduction “supercommittee,” which failed to agree on $1.2 trillion in debt reduction and as such triggered the automatic onset of those cuts on Jan. 2 – unless Congress averts them. Rep. Paul Ryan, Romney’s running mate, voted for the Budget Control Act.
Obama’s avowal on sequester that “it will not happen” is the strongest statement that he or any Democrat has made in the more than year-long standoff over the potential cuts, but it wasn’t immediately clear whether Obama was taking his veto threat off the table or expressing confidence that lawmakers could reach an agreement when they return next month.
[Source: Politico]

Saturday, October 20, 2012

2012 Presidential Election Predictions

As a United Methodist pastor, I am glad our Social Principles acknowledge that "we know ourselves to be responsible to God for social and political life" in paragraph 164. This brief blog looks at some predictions made by observers of the 2012 presidential election.

When the Republican Party had its primary season, my assumption was that Obama would win re-election. Lately, a few commentators are predicting a Romney win. As I see some predictions, I thought I would post and see how well they do.

Michael Barone: The only way Pennsylvania and Michigan can be close is if Obama's support in affluent Philadelphia and Detroit suburbs has melted away....What we may be seeing, as we drink from the fire hose of multiple poll results pouring in, is a slow motion 1980.The Gallup tracking poll, whose procedure for designating likely voters makes it very susceptible to shifts in the balance of enthusiasm, has been showing Romney ahead by 5 to 7 points.

Ben Shapiro:Obama's presidency reflected his poverty of ideas. Now his campaign does, too.
A small campaign means an unstable campaign. When you're forced to jump topic to topic, debating inconsequential ideas with gusto, your campaign seems to swing unpredictably back and forth. When you're discussing Romnesia one day and binders the next, you're losing. A big campaign, by contrast, has big themes. Obama has no themes because he has no record and no second-term agenda. Romney has themes: economic growth through tax cuts and less burdensome regulation, a foreign policy based on a stronger military. Because he has themes, he seems steady. And that's why he will win. None of this is going to change in the next two weeks. Obama's record will not suddenly allow him to become an ardent advocate of his own job performance. And he won't come up with any bold new plans -- he has nothing left in the tank. The ball is in Mitt Romney's court. And the American people know it.


Hugh Hewitt: The nation is simply finished with a president whose rhetoric has never been matched by his actions, and whose performance has removed Jimmy Carter from the bottom of the rankings of the modern president. Mitt Romney by contrast followed two very strong debate showings with a wonderful set of remarks at the Al Smith dinner, the third time in two weeks that he has reassured those just tuning into the presidential campaign that he will be a steady and reliable force for good in the Oval Office. And what a surge. Romney was up seven points in Thursday's Gallup tracking poll, and even the very partisan Democratic polling firm PPP has Romney ahead in Iowa and New Hampshire on Friday. There is a 1980 landslide forming, and while the MSM is doing its best to pretend it isn't there and that the race is still close. It isn't, and it won't be. The electoral cake is baked.

Dick Morris: Overall: Likely a 5-10 pt Romney win and above 300 electoral votes. His final predictions: In the popular vote, Romney will win by more than 5 points, and Electoral College 325 Romney and 213 Obama.

Karl Rove: My prediction: Sometime after the cock crows on the morning of Nov. 7, Mitt Romney will be declared America's 45th president. Let's call it 51%-48%, with Mr. Romney carrying at least 279 Electoral College votes, probably more.

Linda Chavez: they (the American people) like the president personally and wanted to give him a chance to prove he deserved re-election. But he hasn't given a single, convincing reason why he should be, which is why I believe Americans will vote for genuine change Nov. 6.

National syndicated columnist Charles Krauthammer believes it will be close, but that Romney will come out with the victory over President Obama on Tuesday.

Michael Barone is forecasting that Romney will defeat President Obama by a wide margin, 315 electoral votes to 223. He predicts that Romney will win nearly every swing state, including Ohio, Florida, Pennsylvania, Wisconsin, Colorado and Virginia. Barone admitted, however, that he is going out on a limb with some of his calls.

Rich Galen:  "four years ago Barack Obama was on a crusade; this year he's in a campaign."
Obama won the crusade, but Mitt Romney will win this campaign. I know … I know. The polls are close. The national polls are tied; the state polls tilt toward Barack Obama. I know all that. But, Romney will win.

Friday, October 19, 2012

Election Reflection: Some Perspective


In the movie Napolean Dynamite, “vote for Pedro” becomes a movement. In his speech, he says,  

Hello. I don't have much to say. But I think it would be good to have some holy santos brought to the high school...to guard the hallway and to bring us good luck. El Santo Niño de Atocha is a good one. My Aunt Concha has seen him.
And...and I'd like to see more of that. If you vote for me, all of your wildest dreams will come true. Thank you. 

I take my politics seriously. I study the issues. I have developed some political commitments. For some reason, reflecting upon Psalm 146 has helped. In fact, I invite you to read Psalm 146 in light of the election this year for President.

            First, only God deserves praise. Psalm 146 begins with the command,  

"Praise the LORD!
Praise the LORD, O my soul!
I will praise the LORD as long as I live;
I will sing praises to my God all my life long" (vv. 1-2). 

For the most part, politics is not worthy of praise. In contrast, Psalm 146 is a celebration of the eternal sovereignty of God -- a leadership position that has no term limits. This psalm has long been part of daily morning prayer in the Jewish tradition. It is appropriate for use by Christians as well, as we join the psalm-writer in singing "praises to my God all my life long." To praise God is to give credit where credit is due to the Lord who is our creator, redeemer and sustainer. When we offer praise, we are saying that God is God, and we are not.

            Second, put your trust in something eternal. The psalm warns us,  

"Do not put your trust in princes,
in mortals, in whom there is no help.
When their breath departs, they return to the earth;
on that very day their plans perish" (vv. 3-4).  

We take a chance when we rely on political leaders to help us because they are as flawed, weak, biased, transitory and limited as any human beings on Earth. Paul McKay wrote that emotion can get away with us as we invest so much faith in a political messiah. We can develop blind spots that blind us to the mistakes and foibles of the ones we have invested so much faith and trust and emotion in. Eric Hoffer wrote a little book about this, The True Believer. Such emotional investment is powerful.[1]

Inevitably, our political heroes let us down, if we are honest and dispassionate about them. At that point, we might be angry at their human weakness -- and at the same sinful nature we have in common with them all.

            Third, do not expect a candidate to make you happy. With all the energy that goes into a presidential campaign, we can certainly forgive voters for wanting their favorite candidate to bring them joy and satisfaction. However, such an expectation is truly unrealistic and is often a recipe for disappointment. Whether the victor is a Republican or a Democrat, he is going to let down large numbers of his supporters.

            Fourth, vote the Lord's values.

            Sadly, this single thought has been co-opted by both Left and Right. As Nathan D. Baxter put it, we need to remember that Jesus is not a doctrine or political philosophy. Jesus is a life, a teaching, an everlasting witness of divine grace and love -- even unto the cross.[2]

            Psalm 146 says that God is the one  

who executes justice for the oppressed;
who gives food to the hungry.
The LORD sets the prisoners free;
the LORD opens the eyes of the blind" (vv. 7-8).

These are God's values, according to the psalm. Some people will define how compassionate a government is by how many people receive government help. In contrast, others will take the position that limited government, combined with the lowest possible taxes and regulation, will create a rising tide lifts all boats. For them, the best way to help the poor is to have a growing and expanding economy. These two positions are not mutually exclusive. In fact, which side you fall upon is largely a matter of degree. While good Christians will certainly debate the ways that our society can address these concerns, there should be no disagreement about their priority to God. When you enter the voting booth, vote for the candidate who is best aligned with God's priorities. 

  • Justice for the oppressed -- fair treatment for those who have been mistreated, shoved aside or ignored.
  • Food to the hungry -- access to nourishment, in developing countries and in American inner cities.
  • Freedom for prisoners -- both spiritual liberation while incarcerated and work opportunities once released.
  • Opening the eyes of the blind -- not only physical healing, but new visions of a better future for us all.
These are God's values, and they undergird what the psalm tells us about God:  

The LORD lifts up those who are bowed down;
the LORD loves the righteous.
The LORD watches over the strangers;
he upholds the orphan and the widow,
but the way of the wicked he brings to ruin" (vv. 8-9).
 
In every time and place, God lifts up the burdened and loves those who are in a right relationship with him. God has special concern for the strangers in our midst and wants to take care of orphans and widows -- those who have no way to provide for themselves. Once again, there are going to be honest disagreements about how best to meet these needs, but the needs themselves are indisputable.

            Fifth, take the long view. If you are joyful on election night, do not get overly elated. If you are disappointed when the election is over, do not get too depressed. The next presidential campaign will begin before you know it, and the political pendulum will begin to swing in the other direction.

As Christians, the most important leader in our lives is Almighty God, and Psalm 146 reminds us that  

"the LORD will reign forever,
your God, O Zion, for all generations.
Praise the LORD!" (v. 10).  

When we give praise to God, we are joining a community of faithful people who are linked together across the generations. The church has seen countless political victories and defeats, as well as numerous times of national celebration and heartache. Election days may be divisive and difficult, but they do not prevent us from looking up to God together and taking the long view of human history.

Frederick Douglass, from a speech celebrating West Indian Emancipation Day, August, 1857, reflected on the symbol of the Statue of Liberty.  

The Statue of Liberty is a familiar icon of American democracy, but few Americans have examined Lady Liberty closely enough to realize she is trampling on a set of broken shackles lying on the ground at her feet. The shackles have a very specific meaning that has been all but lost to popular memory.

It was a French abolitionist, Édouard René Lefèbvre de Laboulaye, who first conceived the idea of the French people giving such a statue to the United States. At the time of the Confederacy's surrender, de Laboulaye rejoiced. At a Paris dinner party, a young sculptor, Frédéric Bartholdi, heard him propose the idea of a massive statue celebrating the Union victory. The statue would eventually be called "Liberty Enlightening the World." It would demonstrate how the abolitionists' hard-won victory was a shining example for all humanity.

With the support of de Laboulaye, Bartholdi became not only Lady Liberty's sculptor, but also her chief fundraiser. A subscription campaign in France paid for the statue, and a corresponding campaign in the United States paid for her massive pedestal -- a significant work of engineering in itself.

Bartholdi's original design called for Lady Liberty to be holding a broken chain, symbolic of the freedom the Union victory had won for the American slaves. Even though the statue's 1886 dedication took place more than 20 years after the Confederate surrender, feelings still ran strong. That aspect of the design was considered too provocative. Bowing to the realities of fundraising, Bartholdi revised his design, placing in Lady Liberty's hand, instead, a tablet symbolizing the rule of law. Yet, he refused to abandon de Laboulaye's original vision of the statue as an abolitionist monument. Bartholdi moved the broken chain from her hand to the ground under her feet.

There the chain and broken shackles remain to this day, a symbol of the vision of liberty for all God's children that thrilled the world at the end of the Civil War.

Liberty continues to be a fragile ideal that must be struggled over, at times even fought for. Going to the polls to vote our conscience is a way of preserving the vision of Liberty's broken shackles.

Those who profess to favor freedom, and yet depreciate agitation, are men who want crops without plowing up the ground; they want rain without thunder and lightning. 

If your candidate wins, praise the Lord! If your candidate loses, praise the Lord! If you are excited about the next four years, praise the Lord! If you are worried about what will happen next, praise the Lord! There is nothing that can happen on Election Day that should shift your focus away from giving praise to the God who has created you, redeemed you and sustained you throughout the course of your life.


[1] "Do not put your trust in princes," Jitterbugging for Jesus, March 6, 2010. http://jitterbuggingforjesus.com.
[2] --Nathan D. Baxter, Comfort & Challenge: A Pastor's Thoughts for a Troubled Nation (Washington: Washington National Cathedral, 2002), 36-37.